unionist provided any one will show
me a scheme which does not sacrifice the interests of the Maritime
Provinces.'

2. They will be swamped by Canadians, a poor lot of people, a little
eccentric at all times, and at the worst given to rebellion--led by
political tricksters of the type of his old enemy Hincks.

{139}

3. A federation is cumbrous, and inferior to a legislative union, such
as that of the British Isles.

4. It will involve a raising of the low tariff of Nova Scotia, and
ultimately protection.

To these arguments he afterwards added that a union of such widely
scattered provinces was geographically difficult, and that it would
arouse the suspicion and hostility of the United States.

These reasons, feeble enough at best, were at least political;
unfortunately he had other reasons, deeper and more personal.

There can be no doubt that if he had gone to Charlottetown and Quebec,
as one of the delegates, he would have thrown himself heartily into the
project, and left his mark on the proposed constitution. It galled him
that the Quebec scheme had been completed to the minutest detail, and
published to the world, without any assistance from himself. He soon
found that the people of the Maritime Provinces generally were averse
to the scheme, and that many were already arrayed in downright
opposition to it. What was he to do? He paused for a little. Two
courses were open, one noble, one less noble. Not only in youth has
Hercules' Choice to be made. Stern {140} principle called on him to
take one course, a hundred pleasant voices called on the other side.
Was he to be the lieutenant of Dr Tupper, the man who had taken the
popular breeze out of his sails, who had politically annihilated him
for a time, with whom, too, his contest had been mainly personal, for
no great political question had been involved between them; or was he
to put himself at the head of old friends and old foes, regain his
proper place, and steer the ship in his own fashion? In the
circumstances, only a hero could have done his duty. There are few
heroes in the world, and it is doubtful if modern statecraft conduces
to make men heroic. And Howe was an egoist. Friends and colleagues
had known his weakness before, but had scarce ventured to speak of it
in public. In his cabinets he had suffered no rival. To those who
submitted he was sweet as summer. He would give everything to or for
them, keeping nothing for himself. T