tish Parliament, and on
the other the supremacy of the American people. Parliament claimed the
right to legislate for or over the colonies in all cases whatsoever;
this right the colonists denied. Parliament had asserted its supremacy
by the passage, in May, 1774, of "An act for the better regulating the
government of the province of Massachusetts Bay," and "An act for the
more impartial administration of justice in said province." Submission
to these acts was the test. They would not execute themselves. Their
precise character was of no great importance to the people. It was a
question of right, of authority, and not of detail. Had the acts been
less oppressive, or even more so, the principle at issue would not have
been changed. In August, 1774, one hundred and fifty of the best men
of Middlesex assembled in the adjacent town of Concord, and uttered
these memorable words:
"We are obliged to say, however painful it may be to us, that the
question now is, whether by a submission to some of the late acts
of the Parliament of Great Britain, we are contented to be the most
abject slaves, and entail that slavery on posterity after us, or, by
a manly, joint and virtuous opposition, assert and support our freedom.
There is a mode of conduct which, in our very critical circumstances
we wish to adopt--a conduct, on the one hand, never tamely submissive
to tyranny and oppression; on the other, never degenerating into rage,
passion and confusion." Again, "We must now exert ourselves, or all
those efforts which for ten years past have brightened the annals of
this country, will be totally frustrated. Life and Death, or what is
more, Freedom and Slavery, are in a peculiar sense now before us; and
that choice and success, under God, depend greatly on ourselves. We
are therefore bound, as struggling not only for ourselves, but for
future generations, to express our sentiments in the following resolves
--sentiments which we think are founded in truth and justice, and
therefore sentiments we are determined to abide by." In conclusion
they say "no danger shall affright, no difficulties intimidate us; and
if, in support of our rights, we are called to encounter even death,
we are yet undaunted, sensible that he can never die too soon who lays
down his life in support of the laws and liberties of his country."
If we for a moment forget the territorial and popular influence which
belongs to the action of sovereign States and
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