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will on that subject to Congress, in pursuance of the Fifth Article of the Constitution." This amendment was also rejected, by 14 yeas to 25 nays. Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, offered, as an amendment to the House Joint Resolution, the propositions submitted by the Peace Congress or Conference, but the amendment was disagreed to by 3 yeas to 34 nays. The House Joint Resolution was then adopted by 24 yeas to 12 nays. Subsequently the Crittenden Proposition came up again as a separate order, with the Clark substitute to it (once carried, but reconsidered), pending. The Clark substitute was then rejected by 14 yeas to 22 nays. Mr. Crittenden then offered the Propositions of the Peace Congress, as a substitute for his own-and they were rejected by 7 yeas to 28 nays. The Crittenden Proposition itself was then rejected, by 19 yeas to 20 nays. CHAPTER IX. SLAVERY'S SETTING, AND FREEDOM'S DAWN. On that long last night of the 36th Congress--and of the Democratic Administration--to the proceedings of which reference was made in the preceding Chapter, several notable speeches were made, but there was substantially nothing done, in the line of Compromise. The only thing that had been accomplished was the passage, as we have seen, by two-thirds majority in both Houses, of the Joint Resolution proposing a Constitutional Amendment prohibiting Congress from meddling with Slavery in Slave States. There was no Concession nor Compromise in this, because Republicans, as well as Democrats, had always held that Congress had no such power. It is true that the Pro-slavery men had charged the Republicans with ultimate designs, through Congress, upon Slavery in the Slave States; and Mr. Crittenden pleaded for its passage as exhibiting a spirit, on their part, of reconciliation; that was all. In his speech that night--that memorable and anxious night preceding the Inauguration of President Lincoln--the venerable Mr. Crittenden, speaking before the Resolution was agreed to, well sketched the situation when he said in the Senate: "It is an admitted fact that our Union, to some extent, has already been dismembered; and that further dismemberment is impending and threatened. It is a fact that the Country is in danger. This is admitted on all hands. It is our duty, if we can, to provide a remedy for this. We are, under the Constitution and by the election of the People, the
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