individual system: and
yet nobody, till very lately, was ever sensible of it. The elegant Lord
Shaftesbury, who first gave occasion to remark this distinction, and
who, in general, adhered to the principles of the ancients, is not,
himself, entirely free from the same confusion.... In all determinations
of morality, the circumstance of public utility, is ever principally in
view; and wherever disputes arise, either in philosophy or common life,
concerning the bounds of duty, the question cannot, by any means, be
decided with greater certainty, than by ascertaining, on any side,
the true interests of mankind. If any false opinion, embraced from
appearances, has been found to prevail; as soon as farther experience
and sounder reasoning have given us juster notions of human affairs,
we retract our first sentiment, and adjust anew the boundaries of moral
good and evil. Giving alms to common beggars is naturally praised;
because it seems to carry relief to the distressed and indigent;
but when we observe the encouragement thence arising to idleness and
debauchery, we regard that species of charity rather as a weakness than
a virtue. Tyrannicide, or the assassination of usurpers and oppressive
princes, was highly extolled in ancient times; because it both freed
mankind from many of these monsters, and seemed to keep the others
in awe whom the sword or poniard could not reach. But history and
experience having since convinced us, that this practice increases the
jealousy and cruelty of princes, a Timoleon and a Brutus, though treated
with indulgence on account of the prejudices of their times, are now
considered as very improper models for imitation. Liberality in princes
is regarded as a mark of beneficence. But when it occurs, that the
homely bread of the honest and industrious is often thereby converted
into delicious cakes for the idle and the prodigal, we soon retract our
heedless praises. The regrets of a prince, for having lost a day, were
noble and generous; but had he intended to have spent it in acts of
generosity to his greedy courtiers, it was better lost than misemployed
after that manner.... That justice is useful to society, and
consequently that _part_ of its merit, at least, must arise from that
consideration, it would be a superfluous undertaking to prove. That
public utility is the _sole_ origin of justice, that reflections on the
beneficial consequences of this virtue are the _sole_ foundation of its
merit;