renched within its own regal institutions, in
shaking off the past to begin a future of popular sovereignty. Much
was gained by sweeping away the worst abuses of the past, but reaction
came, succeeded, after a long lapse of time, by a second attempt to
establish a republic, again to fail, until the collapse of the power
of the adventurer whose election to the presidency was the beginning
of the end of the republic of 1848, led to the third experiment, the
permanent success of which we all hope for.

If--much virtue in an "if"--the leaders of the first French Republic
had been thoroughly masters of and thoroughly imbued with the
principles of American liberty, it is possible they might have so
instructed and led a bright and capable people as to lay a sure
foundation for the future. But even this modified statement is open to
question. While it may be regretted that the American Constitution was
not copied in the establishment of the successive French republics, it
is by no means certain that this matchless paper would have been so
far appreciated in its recognition of the great principles underlying
it, as to insure success. Some of the South American republics have
the American Constitution, more or less, but are not shining examples
of republican success. No one can question that monarchies like the
United Kingdom and Germany enjoy a larger diffusion of civil liberty
than they.

Taking the French system, however, as it exists to-day, there can be
no question that it would be vastly improved by copying the American
model. It seems to have been founded with a view to the possibility of
restoring the monarchy, and, this being so, the men who created it had
no object in studying the American Constitution with a view to
preventing those ministerial crises which threaten the destruction of
the third republic. It will not do to attribute these crises to the
unstable character of the fiery Frenchman, nor can the difficulty be
disposed of by saying that a French minister will create a crisis for
the sake of a pleasing _bon mot_ or a sprightly paradox. A crisis
supposes something outside of, or above, or beyond the ordinary, but
French ministerial crises have become so common that they are the
laughingstock of the nations, and may be said to be almost the normal
condition of the legislative assemblies of France. So long as such
critical situations can be thus easily brought about there cannot be
that continuity of policy whic