of these rights. We have seen that the application of this
principle limits the rights of our sons, modifies the privileges of
our wives and daughters, and would not be unjust if it excluded the
negro altogether.--'Tis the party to the compact that should complain,
not the stranger. Even hospitality does not sanction complaint under
such circumstances. True, these persons may be unfortunate, but the
government is not unjust."

Thus the problem of negro citizenship was not one of abstract right,
but must be settled on grounds of expediency. "Would the admission of
the negro as a citizen tend in the least to lessen, endanger or impair
the enjoyment of our governmental institutions?" The answer of the
Committee reads as follows:

"However your committee may commiserate with the degraded condition of
the negro, and feel for his fate, yet they can never consent to open
the doors of our beautiful State and invite him to settle our lands.
The policy of other States would drive the whole black population of
the Union upon us. The ballot box would fall into their hands and a
train of evils would follow that in the opinion of your committee
would be incalculable. The rights of persons would be less secure, and
private property materially impaired. The injustice to the white
population would be beyond computation. There are strong reasons to
induce the belief that the two races could not exist in the same
government upon an equality without discord and violence, that might
eventuate in insurrection, bloodshed and final extermination of
one of the two races. No one can doubt that a degraded prostitution of
moral feeling would ensue, a tendency to amalgamate the two races
would be superinduced, a degraded and reckless population would
follow; idleness, crime and misery would come in their train, and
government itself fall into anarchy or despotism. Having these views
of the subject your committee think it inexpedient to grant the prayer
of the petition."

Nor was it thought expedient by the Committee to introduce an article
into the Constitution which would exclude altogether persons of color
from the State, notwithstanding the fact that "the people of Iowa did
not want negroes swarming among them." Even Mr. Langworthy, who
had been instructed by his constituents "to get something put into the
Constitution by which negroes might be excluded from the State," felt
that the matter could safely be left with the General Assembly.