son of the Russian people will save
the country. I believe in a brilliant future for our army. I believe its
ancient glory will be restored."

General Kaledines, leader of the Don Cossacks, mounted the tribune and
read a resolution passed by the Cossacks demanding the continuation of
the war until complete victory was attained. He defied the extreme
Radicals. "Who saved you from the Bolsheviki on the 14th of July?" he
asked contemptuously. "We Cossacks have been free men. We are not made
drunk by our new-found liberties and are unblinded by party or program.
We tell you plainly and categorically, 'Remove yourselves from the place
which you have neither the ability or the courage to fill, and let
better men than yourselves step in, or take the consequences of your
folly.'"

The conference took no definite action, being invested with no
authority, but it served to bring out clearly the line of cleavage
between the Radical or Socialistic element represented by Kerensky and
the Conservatives represented by the generals of the army.

Immediately on the heels of the Moscow conference an important German
advance was made in the direction of Riga, the most important Russian
Baltic port. In spite of a vigorous defense the Germans captured the
city.

The loss of Riga intensified the political excitement in Russia, and
produced a profound crisis. A wave of unrest spread throughout the
country. The Grand Duke Michael, and the Grand Duke Paul with their
families, were arrested on a charge of conspiracy. The Provisional
Government was charged with responsibility of the collapse of the army.

It was on September 9th, that the storm broke, and General Kornilov, the
Commander-in-Chief of the Russian armies, raised the flag of revolt
against the Provisional Government. The details of the revolt are as
follows:

At one o'clock Saturday afternoon, Deputy Lvov, of the Duma, called upon
Premier Kerensky, and declared that he had come as the representative of
General Kornilov to demand the surrender of all power into Kornilov's
hands. M. Lvov said that this demand did not emanate from Kornilov only
but was supported by an organization of Duma members, Moscow industrial
interests, and other conservatives. This group, said M. Lvov, did not
object to Kerensky personally, but demanded that he transfer the
Portfolio of War to M. Savinkov, assistant Minister of War, who all
along had supported Kornilov.

"If you agree," M. Lvov added, "w