e been steadily strengthening
throughout Europe. The idea of our centralization has become more vivid;
and far juster estimates of our character and institutions have been
formed. When the war shall have been brought to a successful issue, we
shall have afforded a noble proof of the full efficiency of a republican
system over an intelligent people. Our own sinews will be compact, and
our spirit will be infused into the aspirations of distant peoples. It
may not be presumptuous to feel that our efforts are not for ourselves
alone, but that they tell upon the fate of the earnest and hopeful
millions who are striving for disenthralment in the Old World. Let us,
then, expand our just ambition beyond the object of our national
integrity; let us embrace within our own hopes the dawning fortunes of a
free Italy and a free Hungary, of Poland liberated, of Greece
regenerated. While nerving ourselves for the final struggle, let the
sublime thought that our success will reach in its vast results the
limits of the Christian world bring us redoubled strength. For if we
should fall, the thrones of despots are fixed for centuries; if we
triumph, in due time they will vanish and crumble to the dust. Those
sovereigns who are wise will appear in the van, leading their people to
the blessings of the liberty they have so long yearned for; those who
throw themselves in the way will be overwhelmed by the resistless tide.
To such an end we fight, and suffer, and wait; the greater the stake,
the more fearful the ordeal; but Providence smiles upon those whose aim
is freedom, and through danger guides to consummation.
* * * * *
REVIEWS AND LITERARY NOTICES.
_The Roman and the Teuton_: A Series of Lectures delivered before the
University of Cambridge. By CHARLES KINGSLEY, M.A., Professor of Modern
History. Cambridge and London: Macmillan & Co.
Mr. Kingsley is a vivid and entertaining mediator between Carlyle and
commonplace. In his younger days and writings he mediated between his
master and commonplace radicalism,--representing the great Scot's
antagonism to existing institutions, his sympathy with man as man, and
his hope of a more human society, but representing it with sufficient
admixture of vague fancy, Chartist catchword, weak passionateness, and
spasmodic audacity, based, as such ever is, on moral cowardice. Of late
he has gone to the other side of his master, and now mediates between
him and the T
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