the struggle had terminated, the passions to which it had given
birth still continued to rage. It was scarcely possible for any man
whose mind was under the influence of those passions to see the events
of the years 1687 and 1688 in a perfectly correct light.

One class of politicians, starting from the true proposition that the
Revolution had been a great blessing to our country, arrived at the
false conclusion that no test which the statesmen of the Revolution had
thought necessary for the protection of our religion and our freedom
could be safely abolished. Another class, starting from the true
proposition that the disabilities imposed on the Roman Catholics had
long been productive of nothing but mischief, arrived at the false
conclusion that there never could have been a time when those
disabilities could have been useful and necessary. The former fallacy
pervaded the speeches of the acute and learned Eldon. The latter was
not altogether without influence even on an intellect so calm and
philosophical as that of Mackintosh.

Perhaps, however, it will be found on examination that we may vindicate
the course which was unanimously approved by all the great English
statesmen of the seventeenth century, without questioning the wisdom of
the course which was as unanimously approved by all the great English
statesmen of our own time.

Undoubtedly it is an evil that any citizen should be excluded from civil
employment on account of his religious opinions: but a choice between
evils is sometimes all that is left to human wisdom. A nation may
be placed in such a situation that the majority must either impose
disabilities or submit to them, and that what would, under ordinary
circumstances, be justly condemned as persecution, may fall within the
bounds of legitimate selfdefence: and such was in the year 1687 the
situation of England.

According to the constitution of the realm, James possessed the right
of naming almost all public functionaries, political, judicial,
ecclesiastical, military, and naval. In the exercise of this right he
was not, as our sovereigns now are, under the necessity of acting
in conformity with the advice of ministers approved by the House of
Commons. It was evident therefore that, unless he were strictly bound by
law to bestow office on none but Protestants, it would be in his power
to bestow office on none but Roman Catholics. The Roman Catholics were
few in number; and among them was not a sing