es, and would repel force by force, if he was attacked for the
harbouring of _emigres_. At the same moment Leopold resolved on an
offensive alliance with Prussia. He explained his change of policy by
the letters which showed him the true mind of the queen. On January 16
Kaunitz still believed that the other Powers would refuse to
co-operate. But Prussia was willing to accept the new alliance, if
Austria abandoned the new Polish Constitution of May 3. Leopold paid
the stipulated price. On February 7 he gave up the Poles, that he
might be strong against France. Already, January 25, Kaunitz had
taken the deciding step, passing over from the defensive to attack. He
speaks no more of the king's liberty of action. He demands restitution
of the papal territory at Avignon, annexed in consequence of the
Pope's action against the ecclesiastical laws. He requires that the
German princes shall have their Alsatian domains given back to them,
and that there shall be no trespass on the imperial dominions. And in
general terms he requires the restoration of monarchy. Again he wrote,
in the same warlike and defiant spirit, on February 17, when the
Prussian signature had been received, and when he expected English aid
for the preservation of Belgium. Meantime Simolin, the Russian
minister who had been helpful in procuring the fatal passport, arrived
at Vienna with a last appeal from the queen. At that time she did not
feel that their lives were in jeopardy, but their power. To the
faithful Fersen she wrote that she hoped the enemy would strike home,
so that the French, in their terror, might pray the king to intercede.

Kaunitz, having despatched his ultimatum on the international grounds
of quarrel, declined to interfere in internal affairs. But Simolin saw
Leopold on the 25th, and then the emperor admitted what his chancellor
denied, that the cause was the common cause of all crowned heads. With
those significant words he quits the stage. Five days later he was
dead.

Each step forward taken by Austria aggravated the warlike feeling in
the French legislature. But Delessart, through whom the government
communicated with foreign powers, mitigated everything, and avoided
provocation. Even the note of the 17th, which was delivered at Paris
on the 27th, produced no immediate commotion. But Narbonne thought the
time had come to carry into effect his policy of war, for the majority
was now with him. He threatened to resign unless Bertrand re