ncerely attached
to American institutions. In the cities, however, and especially in New
York and Chicago, may be found a class of foreigners who unfortunately
herd together in certain districts, and remain almost as alien to the
American language and to American institutions as when they first landed
on our shores. Even these, however, are not irredeemable, and in the
course of a generation or two their more obnoxious traits will probably
disappear. Freedom of worship and the public school have a curative and
humanizing influence which not even the leprosy bred of centuries of
European despotism and oppression can resist. I am not of those who view
with apprehension or aversion the race of Christ, of David and of the
Maccabees, of Disraeli and of Gambetta. There is no better class of
citizens than the better class of Jews, and it would be a dishonorable
day for our Republic should its gates ever be closed to the victims of
religious intolerance, whatsoever their race or belief.

* * *

The great cities witness almost unceasing strife between what may be
called the political-criminal element on the one side, and patriotism and
intelligence on the other side. Knaves, using bigotry, ignorance and
intimidation as their weapons, manage to control municipal affairs,
except when expelled from office for periods more or less brief by some
sudden spasm of public virtue and indignation, like the revolt in the
city of New York against the Tweed Ring a quarter of a century ago, and
the reform victory in that city two years ago.

The overthrow of Tweed, and the great uprising of 1894 in New York, and
of more recent date in Chicago, prove that the American people, once
fully aroused, can crush, as with the hammer of Thor, any combination of
public plunderers, however powerful. But why should these tremendous
efforts be necessary? Why should not the latent energy which makes them
possible be exerted in steady and uniform resistance to the restless
enemies of pure and popular government?

* * *

The farming population, although largely overshadowed by manufacturing
and commercial interests, is still the anchor of the Republic. In many of
the States the rural vote is predominant, although in the nation as a
whole it is gradually losing ground, owing to the growth of the cities,
the removal of restrictions on the suffrage, and the partial adjustment