dertaken to receive. What they
could show was authority from Davis to negotiate with Lincoln on the
footing of the independence of the Confederacy, and a politely turned
intimation from Lincoln that he would at any time receive persons
informally sent to talk with a view to the surrender of the rebel
armies. Grant, however, was deeply impressed with the sincerity of
their desire for peace, and he entreated Lincoln to receive them.
Lincoln therefore decided to overlook the false pretence under which
they came. He gave Grant strict orders not to delay his operations on
this account, but he came himself with Seward and met Davis' three
commissioners on a ship at Hampton Roads on February 3. He and
Stephens had in old days been Whig Congressmen together, and Lincoln
had once been moved to tears by a speech of Stephens. They met now as
friends. Lincoln lost no time in making his position clear. The
unhappy commissioners made every effort to lead him away from the plain
ground he had chosen. It is evident that they and possible that
Jefferson Davis had hoped that when face to face with them he would
change his mind, and possibly Blair's talk had served to encourage this
hope. They failed, but the conversation continued in a frank and
friendly manner. Lincoln told them very freely his personal opinions
as to how the North ought to treat the South when it did surrender, but
was careful to point out that he could make no promise or bargain,
except indeed this promise that so far as penalties for rebellion were
concerned the executive power, which lay in his sole hands, would be
liberally used. Slavery was discussed, and Seward told them of the
Constitutional Amendment which Congress had now submitted to the
people. One of the commissioners returning again to Lincoln's refusal
to negotiate with armed rebels, as he considered them, cited the
precedent of Charles I.'s conduct in this respect. "I do not profess,"
said Lincoln, "to be posted in history. On all such matters I turn you
over to Seward. All I distinctly recollect about Charles I. is that he
lost his head in the end." Then he broke out into simple advice to
Stephens as to the action he could now pursue. He had to report to
Congress afterwards that the conference had had no result. He brought
home, however, a personal compliment which he valued. "I understand,
then," Stephens had said, "that you regard us as rebels, who are liable
to be hanged for treason