the majority of what we call the Protestants of Ireland.
The Protestant part of that kingdom is represented by the government
itself to be, by whole counties, in nothing less than open rebellion. I
am sure that it is everywhere teeming with dangerous conspiracy.

I believe it will be found, that, though the principles of the
Catholics, and the incessant endeavors of their clergy, have kept them
from being generally infected with the systems of this time, yet,
whenever their situation brings them nearer into contact with the
Jacobin Protestants, they are more or less infected with their
doctrines.

It is a matter for melancholy reflection, but I am fully convinced, that
many persons in Ireland would be glad that the Catholics should become
more and more infected with the Jacobin madness, in order to furnish new
arguments for fortifying them in their monopoly. On any other ground it
is impossible to account for the late language of your men in power. If
statesmen, (let me suppose for argument,) upon the most solid political
principles, conceive themselves obliged to resist the wishes of the far
more numerous, and, as things stand, not the worse part of the
community, one would think they would naturally put their refusal as
much as possible upon temporary grounds, and that they would act towards
them in the most conciliatory manner, and would talk to them in the most
gentle and soothing language: for refusal, in itself, is not a very
gracious thing; and, unfortunately, men are very quickly irritated out
of their principles. Nothing is more discouraging to the loyalty of any
description of men than to represent to them that their humiliation and
subjection make a principal part in the fundamental and invariable
policy which regards the conjunction of these two kingdoms. This is not
the way to give them a warm interest in that conjunction.

My poor opinion is, that the closest connection between Great Britain
and Ireland is essential to the well-being, I had almost said, to the
very being, of the two kingdoms. For that purpose I humbly conceive that
the whole of the superior, and what I should call _imperial_ politics,
ought to have its residence here; and that Ireland, locally, civilly,
and commercially independent, ought politically to look up to Great
Britain in all matters of peace or of war,--in all those points to be
guided by her.--and, in a word, with her to live and to die. At bottom,
Ireland has no other choice