the nation, opened to
them certain subordinate objects of equality; but it is impossible that
the people should imagine that any fair measure of advantage is intended
to them, when they hear the laws by which they were admitted to this
limited qualification publicly reprobated as excessive and
inconsiderate. They must think that there is a hankering after the old
penal and persecuting code. Their alarm must be great, when that
declaration is made by a person in very high and important office in the
House of Commons, and as the very first specimen and auspice of a new
government.
All this is very unfortunate. I have the honor of an old acquaintance,
and entertain, in common with you, a very high esteem for the few
English persons who are concerned in the government of Ireland; but I am
not ignorant of the relation these transitory ministers bear to the
more settled Irish part of your administration. It is a delicate topic,
upon which I wish to say but little, though my reflections upon it are
many and serious. There is a great cry against English influence. I am
quite sure that it is Irish influence that dreads the English habits.
Great disorders have long prevailed in Ireland. It is not long since
that the Catholics were the suffering party from those disorders. I am
sure they were not protected as the case required. Their sufferings
became a matter of discussion in Parliament. It produced the most
infuriated declamation against them that I have ever read. An inquiry
was moved into the facts. The declamation was at least tolerated, if not
approved. The inquiry was absolutely rejected. In that case, what is
left for those who are abandoned by government, but to join with the
persons who are capable of injuring them or protecting them as they
oppose or concur in their designs? This will produce a very fatal kind
of union amongst the people; but it is an union, which an unequal
administration of justice tends necessarily to produce.
If anything could astonish one at this time, it is the war that the
rulers in Ireland think it proper to carry on against the person whom
they call the Pope, and against all his adherents, whenever they think
they have the power of manifesting their hostility. Without in the least
derogating from the talents of your theological politicians, or from the
military abilities of your commanders (who act on the same principles)
in Ireland, and without derogating from the zeal of either, it appe
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