be allowed to become too serious.
FOOTNOTES:
[75] See above, 139-141.
[76] See above, 76-79.
[77] See above, 139-141.
[78] Eugene V. Debs, after serving his sentence in prison for disobeying
a court injunction during the Pullman strike of 1894, became a convert
to socialism. It is said that his conversion was due to Victor Berger of
Milwaukee. Berger had succeeded in building up a strong socialist party
in that city and in the State of Wisconsin upon the basis of a thorough
understanding with the trade unions and was materially helped by the
predominance of the German-speaking element in the population. In 1910
the Milwaukee socialists elected a municipal ticket, the first large
city to vote the socialists into office.
[79] In 1907 Haywood was tried and acquitted with two other officers of
the Western Federation of Miners at Boise, Idaho, on a murder charge
which grew out of the same labor struggle. This was one of the several
sensational trials in American labor history, on a par with the Molly
Maguires' case in the seventies, the Chicago Anarchists' in 1887, and
the McNamaras' case in 1912.
[80] The same applies to the International Ladies' Garment Workers'
Union.
[81] Except the miners, brewers, and garment workers.
[82] See above, 185-186.
[83] This refers particularly to the six shopmen's unions.
CHAPTER 10
THE WAR-TIME BALANCE SHEET
The outbreak of the War in Europe in August 1914 found American labor
passing through a period of depression. The preceding winter had seen
much unemployment and considerable distress and in the summer industrial
conditions became scarcely improved. In the large cities demonstrations
by the unemployed were daily occurrences. A long and bloody labor
struggle in the coal fields of Colorado, which was slowly drawing to an
unsuccessful end in spite of sacrifices of the heaviest kind, seemed
only to set into bold relief the generally inauspicious outlook. Yet the
labor movement could doubtless find solace in the political situation.
Owing to the support it had given the Democratic party in the
Presidential campaign of 1912, the Federation could claim return favors.
The demand which it was now urging upon its friends in office was the
long standing one for the exemption of labor unions from the operation
of the anti-trust legislation and for the reduction to a minimum of
interference by Federal Courts in labor disputes through injunction
proceedings.
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