high
degree of comfort and the great advantage which large wealth confers
upon its possessor,--nothing can be more natural, simpler or more
legitimate than that he should do so."

Incidentally, then, Gentlemen, so far am I in this pamphlet from
instigating the unpropertied classes to hatred and contempt of the
wealthy, that, on the contrary, I expressly declare myself for the
legitimacy of such property. I explicitly declare that the
satisfaction taken in the advantages and amenities which flow from
such wealth are the most natural and legitimate things in the world.

Let me now go on with the definition referred to:

"The workingmen and the lower middle class, that is to say the class
without capital, may be wholly justified in demanding that those by whose
hands all that wealth which is the pride of our civilization is produced,
whose hands have brought forth all these products without which society
could not live for a single day--it may well be demanded that these should
be secured an ample and unfailing income, and thereby be given an
opportunity for some intellectual development, and that they be by this
means put in the way of a truly human manner of life. But, while I
am free to say that the working classes are fairly within their rights in
making these demands of the State, and to stand out stiffly for their
demands as being the essential purpose for which the State exists, yet
the workingman must never allow himself to forget that all property
that has once been acquired and is legally held must be considered lawful
and inviolable."

Such, then, is the manner and degree of my instigation of the
unpropertied class to hatred and distrust that I incontinently preach
to them the inviolability and sacredness of all property acquired by
the wealthy classes, and exhort them to respect it.

But I go on to say:

"In case the man of means is not content with the material amenities
of large wealth, but insists that possession of wealth, of capital, be
made the basis of a control to be exercised over the State, a condition
of participation in the direction of public policy and of the direction
of public affairs, then and only then does the man of means become a
bourgeois; then does he make the fact of property a legal ground of
political power; then does he stand forth as representative of a
privileged class aiming to put the imprint of its prerogative upon all
so