nce as a people, though under the British flag, and if we in
surrendering stand by each other we can, after the surrender, also
stand by each other, and devise means to assist the widows and
orphans. If, on the other hand, we entirely cease to exist, we can do
nothing more. We cannot, for instance, even send people to Europe to
seek financial help to build up the fortunes of our people again.

There are three ways open to us, and I shall submit to the decision of
the majority, but I shall feel it keenly if we are not unanimous in
our decision. I must say I can see no salvation for us in the
continuance of the war, but only the extermination of our people. The
other two ways are: Surrender _with_, and surrender _without_
conditions.

I always held the opinion that when the day dawned that we could not
maintain the struggle any longer, it would be best to stop without
making any terms, and to say to the enemy: "Here we are. We cannot go
on any longer. Banish the leaders, deal with the people as you wish;
we refuse to submit." But the question is whether we can to-day adopt
that course and act accordingly. I think we cannot. Our people have
been totally ruined, and will therefore be entirely exposed to the
mercy of the enemy. They must be financially assisted, and if the
enemy do so they can stipulate what they like and demand an oath to
their taste from every one they help. The enemy will then also be able
to carry out all their proclamations, and so destroy our national
existence. They can banish all the leaders, and further, they can
refuse to let the prisoners of war return until such time as it suits
them. In these terms the return of all prisoners of war is at least
stipulated, and all the enemy's proclamations against our persons and
property nullified. I am thus of opinion that it will be better for us
to accept these terms than to surrender unconditionally. Our cup is
bitter, but do not let us make it more bitter still. If we are
convinced that our cause is hopeless, it is a question whether we have
the right to allow one more burgher to be shot. Our object must be to
act in the interest of our people.

General HERTZOG remarked that in his opinion the extract from the
letter from the Netherlands Government to Lord Lansdowne read by
General Botha had not been well translated. Instead of "... the war
which raged in the country _without object or termination_," the
translation should be: "... the war, which _witho