simple ouvrier, but of illustrious parentage, for
your grandsire was the beloved friend of the virtuous Robespierre, your
father perished a hero and a martyr in the massacre of the coup d'etat;
you, cultured in the eloquence of Robespierre himself, and in the
persuasive philosophy of Robespierre's teacher, Rousseau; you, the
idolized orator of the Red Republicans,--you will be indeed a chief of
dauntless bands when the trumpet sounds for battle. Young publicist and
poet, Gustave Rameau,--I care not which you are at present, I know what
you will be soon, you need nothing for the development of your powers
over the many but an organ for their manifestation. Of that anon. I now
descend into the bathos of egotism. I am compelled lastly to speak of
myself. It was at Marseilles and Lyons, as you already know, that I
first conceived the plan of this representative association. For
years before I had been in familiar intercourse with the friends of
freedom,--that is, with the foes of the Empire. They are not all poor;
some few are rich and generous. I do not say these rich and few concur
in the ultimate objects of the poor and many; 'but they concur in the
first object, the demolition of that which exists,--the Empire. In the
course of my special calling of negotiator or agent in the towns of the
Midi, I formed friendships with some of these prosperous malcontents;
and out of these friendships I conceived the idea which is embodied in
this council.

"According to that conception, while the council may communicate as it
will with all societies, secret or open, having revolution for their
object, the council refuses to merge itself in any other confederation;
it stands aloof and independent; it declines to admit into its code
any special articles of faith in a future beyond the bounds to which
it limits its design and its force. That design unites us; to go beyond
would divide. We all agree to destroy the Napoleonic dynasty; none of
us might agree as to what we should place in its stead. All of us here
present might say, 'A republic.' Ay, but of what kind? Vanderstegen
would have it socialistic; Monnier goes further, and would have it
communistic, on the principles of Fourier; Le Noy adheres to the policy
of Danton, and would commence the republic by a reign of terror; our
Italian ally abhors the notion of general massacre, and advocates
individual assassination. Ruvigny would annihilate the worship of a
Deity; Monnier holds wit