urnace those who should have been cast into it for refusing to worship
the image. It was accordingly done in every instance, without asking
what the offenders had done, or against whom they had offended, but
whether the pains they were suffering were inflicted under the pretended
sedition law. It was certainly possible that my motives for contributing
to the relief of Callendar, and liberating sufferers under the sedition
law might have been to protect, encourage, and reward slander; but they
may also have been those which inspire ordinary charities to objects of
distress, meritorious or not, or the obligation of an oath to protect
the constitution, violated by an unauthorized act of Congress. Which of
these were my motives, must be decided by a regard to the general tenor
of my life. On this I am not afraid to appeal to the nation at large,
to posterity, and still less to that Being who sees himself our motives,
who will judge us from his own knowledge of them, and not on the
testimony of Porcupine or Fenno.

You observe, there has been one other act of my administration
personally unkind, and suppose it will readily suggest itself to me. I
declare on my honor, Madam, I have not the least conception what act is
alluded to. I never did a single one with an unkind intention. My sole
object in this letter being to place before your attention, that the
acts imputed to me are either such as are falsely imputed, or as might
flow from good as well as bad motives, I shall make no other addition,
than the assurances of my continued wishes for the health and happiness
of yourself and Mr. Adams.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XVI.--TO JAMES MADISON, August 15, 1804

TO JAMES MADISON.

Monticello, August 15, 1804.

Dear Sir,

Your letter dated the 7th should probably have been of the 14th, as I
received it only by that day's post. I return you Monroe's letter, which
is of an awful complexion; and I do not wonder the communications it
contains made some impression on him. To a person placed in Europe,
surrounded by the immense resources of the nations there, and the
greater wickedness of their courts, even the limits which nature imposes
on their enterprises are scarcely sensible. It is impossible that France
and England should combine for any purpose; their mutual distrust and
deadly hatred of each other admit no co-operation. It is impossible that
England should be willing to see France re-possess Louisiana, or get
foot