neral interest of their constituents, had been
withdrawn, as in decency and honesty they should have been, the laws
would have been the reverse of what they are on all the great questions.
I instanced the new Assumption carried in the House of Representatives
by the Speaker's vote. On this subject he made no reply. He explained
his remaining in office to have been the effect of strong solicitations
after he returned here; declaring that he had never mentioned his
purpose of going out but to the Heads of departments and Mr. Madison; he
expressed the extreme wretchedness of his existence while in office,
and went lengthily into the late attacks on him for levees, &c.
and explained to me how he had been led into them by the persons he
consulted at New York; and that if he could but know what the sense of
the public was, he would most cheerfully conform to it.

February the 16th, 1793. E. Randolph tells J. Madison and myself, a
curious fact which he had from Lear. When the President went to New
York, he resisted for three weeks the efforts to introduce levees. At
length he yielded, and left it to Humphreys and some others to settle
the forms. Accordingly, an antechamber and presence-room were provided,
and when those who were to pay their court were assembled, the President
set out, preceded by Humphreys. After passing through the antechamber,
the door of the inner room was thrown open, and Humphreys entered first,
calling out with a loud voice, 'The President of the United States.' The
President was so much disconcerted with it, that he did not recover it
the whole time of the levee, and when the company was gone, he said
to Humphreys, 'Well, you have taken me in once, but, by God, you shall
never take me in a second time.'

There is reason to believe that the rejection of the late additional
Assumption by the Senate was effected by the President through Lear,
operating on Langdon. Beckley knows this.

February the 26th, 1793. Notes on the proceedings of yesterday. [See the
formal opinions given to the President in writing, and signed.]

First question. We were all of opinion that the treaty should proceed
merely to gratify the public opinion, and not from an expectation of
success. I expressed myself strongly, that the event was so unpromising,
that I thought the preparations for a campaign should go on without the
least relaxation, and that a day should be fixed with the commissioners
for the treaty, beyond which