ions behind it, while strong,
were of comparatively recent growth. When they entered the Union the
colonies were still new and undeveloped. As men died and their sons
succeeded them prejudices gradually yielded and sentiment changed.
Moreover, various other forces--immigration, free trade among the
states, the growth of railways and other nationwide industries, foreign
wars--have been at work to obliterate state lines.
Advocates of the old order see in the change a breaking down of the
principle of local self-government. To their minds the danger of
majority tyranny, made possible by a centralization of power in a
republic of such vast extent and varied interests, outweighs all the
advantages of national uniformity and efficiency. Advocates of the new
order think otherwise. They argue, moreover, that the states have become
too great and populous to serve as units for purposes of home rule;
that their boundaries are for the most part artificial and correspond to
no real distinctions in the ordinary life of men. They assert that the
instinct for local self-government remains as strong as it ever was, and
instance the resentment of New York City over interference from Albany.
The average man gives little thought to the constitutional aspect of the
controversy. His interest in the prohibition movement is focused on
other features which seem to him of more immediate concern. And yet, did
he but realize it, the constitutional aspect transcends all the others
in its importance for the future welfare and happiness of himself, his
children, and his country.
V
THE NINETEENTH AMENDMENT
A prudent man touches the question of woman suffrage gingerly. Many
fingers have been burnt in that fire and its embers are not yet dead.
Some mention of the Nineteenth Amendment seems necessary, however, in
any discussion of federal encroachment on state power, and it may be
possible to approach the suffrage movement from the standpoint of
constitutional law without getting upon controversial ground.
The United States Constitution as originally adopted did not prescribe
who should be entitled to vote. That matter was left entirely in the
hands of the states. The Constitution provided[1] that, for the election
of members of the House of Representatives, "the electors in each state
shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most
numerous branch of the state legislature." It was further provided that
Senators shou
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