bled in
the month of December, 1865. Civil strife had ceased, the spirit of
rebellion had spent its entire force, in the Southern States the people
had warmed into national life, and throughout the whole country a
healthy reaction in public sentiment had taken place. By the application
of the simple yet effective provisions of the Constitution the executive
department, with the voluntary aid of the States, had brought the work
of restoration as near completion as was within the scope of its
authority, and the nation was encouraged by the prospect of an early
and satisfactory adjustment of all its difficulties. Congress, however,
intervened, and, refusing to perfect the work so nearly consummated,
declined to admit members from the unrepresented States, adopted
a series of measures which arrested the progress of restoration,
frustrated all that had been so successfully accomplished, and, after
three years of agitation and strife, has left the country further from
the attainment of union and fraternal feeling than at the inception of
the Congressional plan of reconstruction. It needs no argument to show
that legislation which has produced such baneful consequences should
be abrogated, or else made to conform to the genuine principles of
republican government.

Under the influence of party passion and sectional prejudice, other acts
have been passed not warranted by the Constitution. Congress has already
been made familiar with my views respecting the "tenure-of-office bill."
Experience has proved that its repeal is demanded by the best interests
of the country, and that while it remains in force the President can not
enjoin that rigid accountability of public officers so essential to an
honest and efficient execution of the laws. Its revocation would enable
the executive department to exercise the power of appointment and
removal in accordance with the original design of the Federal
Constitution.

The act of March 2, 1867, making appropriations for the support of the
Army for the year ending June 30, 1868, and for other purposes, contains
provisions which interfere with the President's constitutional functions
as Commander in Chief of the Army and deny to States of the Union
the right to protect themselves by means of their own militia. These
provisions should be at once annulled; for while the first might, in
times of great emergency, seriously embarrass the Executive in efforts
to employ and direct the common strength