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o Cornwallis, March 7, 1781, _ibid._, p. 338; see also ii., 10. [159] _Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy_, i., 43, n. 1b. [160] Rodney to Germain, Dec. 22, 1780, _Hist. MSS. Comm. Rep._, ix., App., pp. 108-9. [161] Chevalier, _Histoire de la Marine Francaise_ (_l'Indep. Amer._), pp. 278, 280. [162] _Parl. Hist._, xxii., 987, 1003. [163] _Life of Shelburne_, iii., 125-32. [164] _Memorials of C. J. Fox_, i., 292; see also p. 316. CHAPTER XII. THE ROUT OF THE WHIGS. The new ministers at once attacked the sources from which the crown derived its corrupt influence over parliament. They carried bills preventing contractors from sitting in parliament and depriving revenue officers of the franchise. As these officers, who were dependent on the ministers of the crown, numbered according to one computation nearly 40,000, and to another 60,000, out of an electorate of about 300,000, their disfranchisement was an important step towards freedom of election. A message to parliament recommending economy was extorted from the king as an introduction to a plan of economical reform which was brought forward by Burke. It was not so drastic as his earlier plan, for the king acting in the cabinet through Shelburne and Thurlow objected to many of the proposed retrenchments. Nevertheless, in spite of mutilations, the bill, which became law, effected a saving of L72,000 a year, chiefly by abolishing useless offices. The act also again provided for the payment of arrears of the civil list, amounting this time to L296,000. Burke nobly continued his work by a bill for the reform of his own office, preventing the paymaster from gaining the enormous profits appropriated by nearly all his predecessors. Another declaration in favour of freedom of election was made by the commons, for they at last accepted Wilkes's annual motion for expunging from their journals the resolution of February, 1769, declaring him incapable of re-election. The corrupt influence of the crown would, Pitt declared, be checked most effectually by a reform of parliament. Acting on his own account, he proposed an inquiry into the state of the representation, without bringing forward any scheme of reform. He pointed out that some boroughs were in the hands of the treasury, that others had no actual existence, and that many were merely the property of purchasers, the nawab of Arcot, for example, retu
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