oundly stigmatises
as contrary to all law and equity. Historians since Hume have commonly
been willing to suppose that the Government proceeded upon some solid
ground. In Lingard's Catholic eyes, Ralegh was simply an unscrupulous
flatterer of Elizabeth, and an immoral adventurer. Not pledging his own
judgment to the righteousness of the verdict, he remarks that 'the guilt
of Ralegh was no longer doubted after the solemn asseveration of Cobham'
on the scaffold. Hallam had no bias. Though he thought Ralegh 'faulty,'
'rash,' destitute of 'discretion,' and not 'very scrupulous about the
truth,' he admired him as a bright genius, 'a splendid ornament of his
country,' 'the bravest and most renowned of Englishmen.' He has declared
the verdict against him contrary to law, but thinks it 'very probable
that the charge of plotting to raise Arabella to the throne was partly
at least founded in truth.' Mr. Gardiner condemns the particular
accusation as 'frivolous and false,' but believes it had some basis in
his character, in his habit of 'looking down from the eminence of
genius upon the acts of lesser men.'
[Sidenote: _Absence of Evidence of Guilt._]
[Sidenote: _Apologies for Condemnation._]
For such support of the prosecution and verdict, qualified as it is,
there is a difficulty in perceiving any foundation, except the
improbability that a Government should have conspired to obtain the
capital condemnation of an illustrious Englishman on no better testimony
than that which it vouchsafed or dared to offer. That even Cobham had
engaged in plots for the deposition of James in favour of Arabella,
which the Ambassador of the Infanta, herself a Pretender, would not have
been in the least likely to further, no evidence except French hearsay
from James's Ministers exists to prove. That he may have intrigued for
the exercise of illegitimate pressure in Spanish interests upon the
King, is very probable on his own admission, though 'it does not
follow,' as Ralegh writes in his History, 'that every man ought to be
believed of himself to his own prejudice.' It is not equally clear, but
it is credible, that he had sounded Ralegh, and had appealed to his
constant pecuniary necessities, with a view to his engagement in the
design. Ralegh may well have suspected enough, without direct
complicity, to be able, if he had chosen, to deliver up Cobham to the
Government some time before his interview with the Council at Windsor.
His omission may
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