tification meeting in Springfield. There
were posters, illuminations, a band of music,--and at the appointed
hour, one man in the hall besides Lincoln and Herndon! Lincoln took the
platform, began with words half-sad, half-mirthful, and concluded: "All
seems dead, dead, dead; but the age is not yet dead; it liveth as sure
as our Maker liveth. Under all this seeming want of life and motion, the
world does move nevertheless. Be hopeful. And now let us adjourn, and
appeal to the people."

The prairie caught fire at last. The Republicans carried Illinois that
autumn for Fremont. Two years later, Lincoln and Douglas traversed the
State in their famous series of joint debates. The main issue was
slavery in the territories; the background was the general attitude of
the white man toward the negro. Douglas held that the whole business was
a question for white men only. If they wanted slavery in any Territory,
let them have it. If they did not want it, let them keep it out--unless
the Supreme Court forbade. Lincoln summed up this "popular sovereignty"
doctrine: "If one man wants to make another man a slave, a third man has
no right to prevent him!" His position was that the nation's duty was to
hold the common domain for freedom, and that this was the business of
Congress. Douglas constantly twitted Lincoln with belief in negro
equality. This Lincoln disclaimed; he did not believe in the negro's
equality with the white man; did not believe in making him a voter or a
juror; but because an inferior, had a negro no rights? Lincoln's
anti-slavery position was very moderate; in reply to Douglas's
challenge, he disclaimed any disposition to agitate against the fugitive
slave law; as to practical restriction, he had nothing to urge except
exclusion from the territories. Here he was emphatic, and he protested
earnestly against Douglas's "not caring whether slavery was voted up or
voted down."

The best test which the debate gave of his quality was the memorable
passage in which he declared his conviction that "A house divided
against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot
permanently endure half slave and half free." In this he rose above his
wonted level, and spoke with a prophet's forecast. He read this passage
in advance to a group of the party leaders. Though, after this bold
opening, the speech was only a calm and weighty argument that the
interest of slavery was being deliberately and systematically promoted
by al