ng a great army to cope with a long war.

Colonel CHURCHILL did not pick up the gage thus ostentatiously thrown
down, but some of his friends were less discreet, and developed a
close-range assault upon LORD KITCHENER. The PRIME MINISTER is never
seen to greater advantage than when he is defending a colleague, and he
declared that the WAR SECRETARY was personally entitled to the credit
for the amazing expansion of the army.

Unofficial tributes were not wanting. Sir MARK SYKES asserted that in
Germany the WAR SECRETARY was feared as a great organiser, while in the
East his name was one to conjure with; and Sir GEORGE REID declared that
his chief fault was that he was "not clever at circulating the cheap
coin of calculated civilities which enable inferior men to rise to
positions to which they are not entitled."

_Thursday, June 1st_.--In moving that the House should at its rising
adjourn until June 20th, the PRIME MINISTER felt it necessary to remove
any impression that the Government, while asking everybody else to
sacrifice their Whitsun holiday, were themselves going junketing.

Like Old TOM MORRIS, who rebuked a would-be Sunday golfer by saying "if
you don't want your Sabbath rest the links do," he pointed out that the
continuous sittings of the House threw a double burden not only upon
Ministers--one of whom, Mr. RUNCIMAN, has unhappily broken down--but
also upon the permanent officials. Even Members of Parliament, he slily
added, might be under a misapprehension in supposing that constant
attendance at the House was the best way in which they could discharge
their duty to their country in time of war.

The Nationalist Members are doing their best to "give LLOYD GEORGE a
chance." True, they ask an inordinate number of questions arising out of
the hot Easter week in Dublin--when, according to the local wit, it was
"'98 in the shade"--but otherwise they have sternly repressed any
tendency to factiousness. Yesterday, when a freelance sought to move the
adjournment of the House in order to denounce the continuance of martial
law in Ireland, not a single other Member rose to support him; and
to-day, though Mr. DILLON could not resist the temptation to make a
speech on the same subject, he showed a refreshing restraint.

Only once--when he declared that "if you can reach the hearts of the
Irish people you can do anything with them; but they will not be driven,
and you cannot crush them"--did his voice approach that