hich at some day may call for fearful settlement.
Their influence is very great on the rank-loving multitude in their own
country--a multitude which, after all, is, in the majority, more
miserable and nearly as ignorant as that of any realm in Europe, or even
the East, for there are fewer paupers in Turkey or Syria than in wealthy
England. Yet, quite unheeding this, they continue to express sympathy
for the South, declare with Brougham that the bubble of Democracy has at
length burst, and chuckle over every Northern defeat. All of which shall
be duly remembered.

The grossest error into which these men have fallen, is that of
continually regarding our war not as a struggle between two great
principles, or as an unavoidable necessity, but simply as a strife
between two factions. Nearly every London editorial which we have seen
for weeks proves this. 'What will the North gain if it conquers the
South? What will the South make? What are WE to benefit by a
victory of either?' It is perfectly natural, however, for a monarchy,
virtually without 'politics,' devoid of great progressive ideas, and
smothered by 'loyalty' and faith in an aristocracy, to see, as men did
in the middle ages, nothing but a dispute of rival forces in every
battle. It is 'Brown _vs_. Brown' to them, and nothing more. With the
exception of Bright and his friends, no one in England seems to
comprehend that our North has in itself the vital, progressive energy
which _must_ give it victory--the same spirit which enables English
civilization to gain on the Hindoo or the New-Zealander--the spirit of
science and intelligence, which conquers ignorance.

The fact that English statesmen can talk so calmly of the possibilities
of Southern victory, and weigh with such equanimity the claims of the
combatants, simply proves their ignorance of the real condition of the
United States. And they _are_ indeed very ignorant of us. Perhaps
ignorance and thoughtlessness were never more decidedly manifested than
in Brougham's late rhodomontade on the failure of Democracy in this
country. For, in fact, there is not difference enough between the
representative _power_ of England and that of America to make a
question. Between Commons and our House of Representatives--the most
influential legislative bodies--there is no such great difference.
English writers have asserted that our government is actually the
strongest monarchy of the two, because our President possesses far
gre