e of that force of character, or of that
moral courage or 'energy' which is the distinguishing attribute of our
Northern people, even the poorest, and this was also evinced when we
first occupied the town. It was not peacefulness of disposition which I
remarked, but the lack first, of _decision of character_, and next, of
_decision of understanding_ respecting the questions at issue. In
conversation they could express only very simple notions, nor could I
promptly elicit more from them. Even their feelings lacked the qualities
of force and intensity. Yet this class is next to the ruling and leading
part of the population, which is composed of planters, cotton, tobacco,
and produce factors' families, professional men, and others, who court
patronage, including shopkeepers, small manufacturers, and
money-lenders, and who support in political affairs _their_ own
_clientele_ of supporters. The latter people constitute the determinedly
rebellious. It is the first class only, that we can regard as the sole
support to Unionism which there is in the rebellious States; but in them
we shall find no moral force or power even when the reign of the leading
class shall have ceased. These facts, I am aware, are in striking
contrast to the usual estimation of the courage and daring of the people
of the South. But the usual estimation is true only of the people who
have a concert of interest in slavery, and who, whatever their petty
disagreements may be, concur in their politics. Nowhere, therefore, is
democracy less actual than in the rebellious States; a ruling and a
subservient class exists precisely as in England or Austria. To increase
the latter, comprising the people I first described, is by no means to
increase the power and extend the domination of the other, but the
contrary; and undoubtedly the diminution of their number by the
sacrifice of their lives in the rebellion, is considered by the chief
managers as desirable, in view of the success of their scheme of polity
and government.

Accordingly, in enforcing their plan of formally identifying the various
States with secession--the form being the ordinance of secession--the
suffrages and sense of this ruled class were ruthlessly unheeded, and
denied validity.

Hence we say that several of the rebel States did not 'secede,' it being
true that a majority of the people expressed their aversion to
rebellion--this majority being, for the occasion, the ruling one, in
virtue of th