just as much worthy of remuneration as any occupation
which men enter, and should be paid for (by the state) on the same
basis.

At present, there is almost universally a discrimination against women
in commerce and industry. They sometimes get no more than half as much
pay as men for similar grades of employment. But there is for this one
good reason. An employer needs experienced help, and he expects a man to
remain with him and become more valuable. He is, therefore, willing to
pay more because of this anticipation. In hiring a woman, he knows that
she will probably soon leave to marry. But whatever may be the origin of
this discrimination, it is justified in the last analysis by the fact
that a man is paid as the head of a family, a woman only as an
individual who ordinarily has fewer or no dependents to support. Indeed,
it is largely this feature which, under the law of supply and demand,
has caused women to work for low wages.

It is evident that real economic equality between men and women must be
impossible, if the women are to leave their work for long periods of
time, in order to bear and rear children. It is normally impossible for
a woman to earn her living by competitive labor, at the same time that
she is bearing and rearing children. Either the doctrine of economic
equality is largely illusory, therefore, or else it must be extended to
making motherhood a salaried occupation just as much as mill work or
stenography.

The feminists have almost universally adopted the latter alternative.
They say that the woman who is capable of earning money, and who
abandons wage-earning for motherhood, ought to receive from the state as
nearly as possible what she would have received if she had not had
children; or else they declare that the expense of children should be
borne wholly by the community.

This proposal must be tested by asking whether it would tend to
strengthen and perpetuate the race or not. It is, in effect, a proposal
to have the state pay so much a head for babies. The fundamental
question is whether or not the quality of the babies would be taken into
account. Doubtless the babies of obviously feeble-minded women would be
excluded, but would it be possible for the state to pay liberally for
babies who would grow up to be productive citizens, and to refuse to pay
for babies that would doubtless grow up to be incompetents, dolts,
dullards, laggards or wasters? The scheme would work, eugenically, in