ith here and there a few exceptions, had practically no political
control or political influence, except in sending delegates to national
conventions, or in holding a few Federal positions by appointment. It
became evident to many of the wise Negroes that the race would have to
depend for its success in the future less upon political agitations and
the opportunity of holding office, and more upon something more tangible
and substantial. It was at this period in the Negro's development, when
the distance between the races was greatest, and the spirit and ambition
of the colored people most depressed, that the idea of industrial or
business development was introduced and began to be made prominent. It
did not take the more level-headed members of the race long to see that
while the Negro in the South was surrounded by many difficulties, there
was practically no line drawn and little race discrimination in the
world of commerce, banking, storekeeping, manufacturing, and the skilled
trades, and in agriculture, and that in this lay his great opportunity.
They understood that, while the whites might object to a Negro's being a
postmaster, they would not object to his being the president of a
bank, and in the latter occupation they would give him assistance and
encouragement. The colored people were quick to see that while the negro
would not be invited as a rule to attend the white man's prayer-meeting,
he would be invited every time to attend the stockholders' meeting of
a business concern in which he had an interest and that he could buy
property in practically any portion of the South where the white man
could buy it. The white citizens were all the more willing to encourage
the Negro in this economic or industrial development, because they saw
that the prosperity of the Negro meant also the prosperity of the white
man. They saw, too, that when a Negro became the owner of a home and
was a taxpayer, having a regular trade or other occupation, he at once
became a conservative and safe citizen and voter; one who would consider
the interests of his whole community before casting his ballot; and,
further, one whose ballot could not be purchased.

One case in point is that of the twenty-eight teachers at our school
in Tuskegee who applied for life-voting certificates under the new
constitution of Alabama, not one was refused registration; and if I may
be forgiven a personal reference, in my own case, the Board of Registers
were k