both white and colored, to turn
aside from the discussion of the political status of the Negro.

In short, let us for the time being accept the laws as they are, and
build upward from that point. Let us turn our attention to the practical
task of finding out why it is that the laws we already have are not
enforced, and how best to secure an honest vote for every Negro
and equally for every 'poor white' man, who is able to meet the
requirements, but who for one reason or another does not or cannot now
exercise his rights. I include the disfranchised white man as well as
the Negro, because I take it that we are interested, first of all, in
democracy, and unless we can arouse the spirit of democracy, South and
North, we can hope for justice neither for Negroes, nor for the poorer
class of white men, nor for the women of the factories and shops, nor
for the children of the cottonmills.

Taking up this side of the problem we shall discover two entirely
distinct difficulties:--

First, we shall find many Negroes, and indeed hundreds of thousands
of white men as well, who might vote, but who, through ignorance, or
inability or unwillingness to pay the poll-taxes, or from mere lack of
interest, disfranchise themselves.

The second difficulty is peculiar to the Negro. It consists in open
or concealed intimidation on the part of the white men who control the
election machinery. In many places in the South to-day no Negro, how
well qualified, would dare to present himself for registration; when he
does, he is rejected for some trivial or illegal reason.

Thus we have to meet a vast amount of apathy and ignorance and poverty
on the one hand, and the threat of intimidation on the other.

First of all, for it is the chief injustice as between white and colored
men with which we have to deal,--an injustice which the law already
makes illegal and punishable,--how shall we meet the matter of
intimidation? As I have already said, the door of the suffrage is
everywhere legally open to the Negro, but a certain sort of Southerner
bars the passage-way. He stands there and, law or no law, keeps out many
Negroes who might vote; and he represents in most parts of the South the
prevailing public opinion.

Shall we meet this situation by force? What force is available? Shall
the North go down and fight the South? You and I know that the North
to-day has no feeling but friendship for the South. More than that--and
I say it with all serious