every case that instruction in the higher branches is given with
the consent and approval of white officials. This was true as far back
as 1880. It is not unusual to meet at this time Southern white people
who are as emphatic in their belief in the value of classical education
as a certain element of colored people themselves. In matters relating
to civil and political rights, the breach was broad, and without
apparent hope of being bridged; even in the matter of religion,
practically all of the denominations had split on the subject of the
Negro, though I should add that there is now, and always has been, a
closer touch and more cooperation in matters of religion between the
white and colored people in the South than is generally known. But the
breach between the white churches in the South and North remains.

In matters of education the difference was much less sharp. The truth
is that a large element in the South had little faith in the efficacy
of the higher or any other kind of education of the Negro. They were
indifferent, but did not openly oppose; on the other hand, there has
always been a potent element of white people in all of the Southern
states who have stood out openly and bravely for the education of
all the people, regardless of race. This element has thus far been
successful in shaping and leading public opinion, and I think that it
will continue to do so more and more. This statement must not be taken
to mean that there is as yet an equitable division of the school funds,
raised by common taxation, between the two races in many sections of the
South, though the Southern states deserve much credit for what has been
done. In discussing the small amount of direct taxes the Negro pays, the
fact that he pays tremendous indirect taxes is often overlooked.

I wish, however, to emphasize the fact that while there was either open
antagonism or indifference in the directions I have named, it was the
introduction of industrial training into the Negro's education
that seemed to furnish the first basis for anything like united and
sympathetic interest and action between the two races in the South and
between the whites in the North and those in the South. Aside from its
direct benefit to the black race, industrial education has furnished
a basis for mutual faith and cooperation, which has meant more to the
South, and to the work of education, than has been realized.

This was, at the least, something in the way of