ected round them a nation,
which at the end of the eighteenth century appeared capable of a more
vigorous development of German strength than the inheritance of the
Hapsburgers. And so completely has the situation of Germany changed,
that now the Imperial party acts with most of the German princes
against the party of the new State. The old opponents have united in a
struggle against the new party, both in the difficult position of
having to uphold what is unsatisfactory, both under the fatal necessity
of working against a long-cherished desire of the nation.
It was a desperate political situation which placed the centre of
gravity of German power in the hands of individual German princes, and
gave them the almost unlimited disposal of the property and lives of
their subjects. The political weakness of Germany, the despotic sway
and corruption of the rulers, the servility of the subjects, the
immorality of the courts, and the dishonesty of officials, was the sad
result, and has often been sufficiently pourtrayed. But with this time
begins also the modern State life of Germany. The progress of a nation
is not always understood and valued by contemporaries, the necessary
changes are not always effected by great men; sometimes the good genius
of a nation requires the bad, the insignificant, and the shortsighted,
as instruments in a powerful reconstruction. Not in the French
revolution alone has a new life proceeded from evil deeds: in Germany
also, iron necessity, despotism, and contempt for old rights, have
produced much that we now consider as the necessary groundwork of
well-regulated State life.
The school of diplomats and statesmen who had been trained during the
war in Germany, defended the interests of the German sovereigns up to
the time of the French revolution. The endless peace negotiations
brought together in Germany the most distinguished politicians of
Europe. Pupils of Richelieu, able Netherlanders, countrymen of
Macchiavelli, and the proud followers of Gustavus Adolphus. The
struggle of antagonisms gave to a large number of talented Germans
superabundant opportunities of forming themselves; for around the
representatives of the great powers were more than a hundred political
agents, writing and haranguing. From the passionate struggle which was
brought to a conclusion at Muenster and Osnabruck amid the constraint of
ceremonials and with an appearance of cold tranquillity, from the
chaotic confusion of n
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