nations and to war
are complex and not precisely what they may on the surface appear to
be. Nations, like individuals, do not know what they need, and they do
not even understand clearly what they desire. Their desires are
complex: elementary economic motives, political motives, personal
motives, the motives of industry and finance, the motive of power and
the craving for certain states of consciousness all exist together,
and to some extent antagonize one another. The present practical
desire is confused by the traditional object. The will of a nation is
a composite will, and its history is full of contradictory impulses,
and also full of surprises. Nations often think they are fighting for
economic reasons when their real motives are plainly to gain military
distinction. The reputation is quite as satisfying as any material
prosperity gained. There is an illusion and a delusion about it all.
All these economic advantages that nations are always seeking have
something unreal about them. Nations seek them long after they
represent real values. Nations seek colonies when, if business is what
they want, it could better be obtained nearer home. Finance looks for
advantages overseas, when there are quite as safe investments at home
paying quite as large profits. Nations have desires to do great
things, not merely to live and prosper.

That is the way these economic problems of war appear, at least when
they are examined in relation to other aspects of war and of society.
These economic problems are merged into and subordinate to the
political or the historical problems, and economic causes of war must
be considered with reference to the psychological principles that are
at the bottom of all social development.

CHAPTER X

POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL FACTORS

We think of political causes of war mainly as an aspect of the fact
that nations desire always certain _geographical objectives_. These
desires are represented in part by the policies of governments and
leaders, but we must also think of nations as a whole as having
desires, and as being moved by profound purposes. At once the question
arises whether we shall think of these political objectives, and the
wars the desires for them cause, as essentially the objects and the
work of individuals. Do individuals in any real sense create history?
This, of course, is a profound question and involves fundamental
theories of history. Shall we accept the "great man" theor