and confused, a medley of confidence and fear, joy and rage, everywhere
violent and contagious. This time again Dauphiny showed an example of
politic and wise behavior. The special states of the province had met on
the 1st of December, 1788, authorized by the government, according to a
new system proposed by the delegates of the three orders. Certain
members of the noblesse and of the clergy had alone protested against the
mode of election. Mounier constantly directed the decisions of the third
(estate); he restrained and enlightened young Barnave, advocate in the
court, who, for lack of his counsels, was destined to frequently go
astray hereafter. The deliberations were invariably grave, courteous;
a majority, as decided as it was tolerant, carried the day on all the
votes. "When I reflect upon all we gained in Dauphiny by the sole force
of justice and reason," wrote Mounier afterwards, in his exile, "I see
how I came to believe that Frenchmen deserve to be free." M. Mounier
published a work on the convocation of the States-general demanding the
formation of two chambers. That was likewise the proposition of M. de La
Luzerne, Bishop of Langres, an enlightened, a zealous, and a far-sighted
prelate. "This plan had probably no approbation but mine," says M.
Malouet. The opposition and the objections were diverse and
contradictory, but they were general. Constitutional notions were as yet
novel and full of confusion in all minds. The most sagacious and most
prudent were groping their way towards a future enveloped in mist.

The useful example of Dauphiny had no imitators. Bourbonness and
Hainault had accepted the system proposed by M. Necker for the formation
of preparatory assemblies. Normandy, faithful to its spirit of
conservative independence, claimed its ancient privileges and refused the
granted liberties. In Burgundy the noblesse declared that they would
give up their pecuniary privileges, but that, on all other points, they
would defend to the last gasp the ancient usages of the province. The
clergy and noblesse of Languedoc held pretty much the same language. In
Franche-Comte, where the states-provincial had not sat since Louis XIV.'s
conquest, the strife was so hot on the subject of the administrative
regimen, that the ministry declared the assembly dissolved, and referred
the decision to the States-general. The Parliament of Besancon
protested, declaring that the constitution of the province cou