not say that the President's good offices, when the time should
come, would be unwelcome to him or to his government; and he meant, I am
sure, to convey only the fear that by these assertions the President had
planted an objection to his good offices in a large section of British
opinion.

Among the conditions of peace that Sir Edward himself personally would
like to see imposed (he had not yet discussed the subject with any of
his colleagues in the Government) was this: that the German Government
should agree to submit to an impartial (neutral) commission or court the
question, Who began the war and who is responsible for it? The German
Chancellor and other high German officials have put it about and
continue to put it about that England is responsible, and doubtless the
German people at least believe it. All the governments concerned must
(this is his idea) submit to the tribunal all its documents and other
evidence bearing on the subject; and of course the finding of the
tribunal must be published.

Then he talked a good deal about the idea that lies behind the League
for Enforcing Peace--in a sympathetic mood. He went on to point out how
such a league--with force behind it--would at any one of three stages
have prevented this war--(1) When England proposed a conference to
France, Germany, Italy, and Russia, all agreed to it but Germany.
Germany alone prevented a discussion. If the League to Enforce Peace had
included England, France, Italy, and Russia--there would have been no
war; for Germany would have seen at once that they would all be against
her. (2) Later, when the Czar sent the Kaiser a personal telegram
proposing to submit their differences to some tribunal, a League to
Enforce Peace would have prevented war. And (3) when the question of the
invasion of Belgium came up, every signatory to the treaty guaranteeing
Belgium's integrity gave assurance of keeping the treaty--but Germany,
and Germany gave an evasive answer. A league would again have prevented
a war--or put all the military force of all its members against Germany.

Throughout the conversation, which lasted about an hour, Sir Edward said
more than once, as he has often said to me, that he hoped we should be
able to keep the friction between our governments at the minimum. He
would regard it as the greatest calamity if the ill-feeling that various
events have stirred up in sections of public opinion on each side should
increase or should become pe