pirit of envy,
jealousy, selfishness and suspicion in the so-called Christian nations.
The assassination by a Servian of the Crown Prince of Austria was only
the lighted match which set the European combustibles in flame.

In the United States we recognize the truth that the interests of each
State are identical with the interests of the Union, and that no State
can permanently prosper by reason of the misfortune of its neighbor. In
the German Empire since its unification each principality similarly
recognizes that the interests of the German Empire and the interests of
the several principalities are essentially identical. But there is no
such recognition of the common interest binding the warring nations of
Europe together.

Each nation looks with envy on the prosperity of its neighbor and acts
upon the assumption that its neighbor is a rival, and that its own
commerce and wealth can be built up only at the expense of its rival.
New York is quite willing that the harbor of Boston should be improved.
Bremen is quite willing that the harbor of Hamburg should be improved.
The west coast of England does not object to harbor facilities on the
east coast of England. But Germany envies England's harbor facilities,
and England and Germany are both resolved to prevent if possible Russia
from getting harbor facilities on the Mediterranean Sea. Not every
individual German, Austrian, Frenchman, and Englishman holds this
opinion, but the policies of these nations are governed by this spirit
of international rivalry.

A striking illustration of this spirit, perhaps the most striking
illustration in modern international life, is furnished by the military
party in Prussia. Gen. Bernhardi, in a volume entitled "Germany and the
Next War," has given what may be regarded as a semi-official
interpretation of German militarism. He holds that life is a struggle
for existence, with a survival of the fittest, and the strongest is the
fittest; that a military organization constitutes the true strength of a
nation; that there is no higher power in human life, certainly none in
international life, than the power of physical force; that only the
strong nation has a right to exist, and he objects to international
arbitration because it recognizes the right to life of a small nation.
In this volume he calls on Germany to establish a "world sovereignty" by
force of arms, and he indicates what should be the twofold purpose of
Germany in the next wa