nsued; blood, American blood, would have been
shed; and who can tell what would have been the consequences? Gentlemen,
in an honorable war, if a foreign foe invade us, if our rights are
threatened, if it be necessary to defend them by arms, I am not afraid
of blood. And if I am too old myself, I hope there are those connected
with me by ties of relationship who are young, and willing to defend
their country to the last drop of their blood. But I cannot express the
horror I feel at the shedding of blood in a controversy between one of
these States and the government of the United States, because I see in
it a total and entire disruption of all those ties that make us a great
and happy people. Gentlemen, this was the great question, the leading
question, at the commencement of the year 1850.

Then there was the other matter, and that was the Fugitive Slave Law.
Let me say a word about that. Under the provisions of the Constitution,
during Washington's administration, in the year 1793, there was passed,
by general consent, a law for the restoration of fugitive slaves. Hardly
any one opposed it at that period; it was thought to be necessary, in
order to carry the Constitution into effect; the great men of New
England and New York all concurred in it. It passed, and answered all
the purposes expected from it, till about the year 1841 or 1842, when
the States interfered to make enactments in opposition to it. The act of
Congress said that State magistrates might execute the duties of the
law. Some of the States passed enactments imposing a penalty on any
State officers who exercised authority under the law, or assisted in its
execution; others denied the use of their jails to carry the law into
effect; and, in general, at the commencement of the year 1850, it had
become absolutely indispensable that Congress should pass some law for
the execution of this provision of the Constitution, or else give up
that provision entirely. That was the question. I was in Congress when
it was brought forward. I was for a proper law. I had, indeed, proposed
a different law; I was of opinion that a summary trial by a jury might
be had, which would satisfy the people of the North, and produce no harm
to those who claimed the service of fugitives; but I left the Senate,
and went to another station, before any law was passed. The law of 1850
passed. Now I undertake, as a lawyer, and on my professional character,
to say to you, and to all, that the