enter with more zeal, but I am aware how
cautiously exertions are to be made for it in this part of the country.
I know that our Southern brethren interpret every word from this region
on the subject of slavery as an expression of hostility. I would ask if
they cannot be brought to understand us better, and if we can do any
good till we remove their misapprehensions. It seems to me that, before
moving in this matter, we ought to say to them distinctly, "We consider
slavery as your calamity, not your crime, and we will share with you the
burden of putting an end to it. We will consent that the public lands
shall be appropriated to this object; or that the general government
shall be clothed with power to apply a portion of revenue to it."

I throw out these suggestions merely to illustrate my views. We must
first let the Southern States see that we are their _friends_ in this
affair; that we sympathize with them, and, from principles of patriotism
and philanthropy, are willing to share the toil and expense of
abolishing slavery, or I fear our interference will avail nothing. I am
the more sensitive on this subject from my increased solicitude for the
preservation of the Union. I know no public interest so important as
this. I ask from the general government hardly any other boon than that
it will hold us together, and preserve pacific relations and intercourse
among the States. I deprecate every thing which sows discord and
exasperates sectional animosities. If it will simply keep us at peace,
and will maintain in full power the national courts, for the purpose of
settling quietly among citizens of different States questions which
might otherwise be settled by arms, I shall be satisfied.

My fear in regard to our efforts against slavery is, that we shall make
the case worse by rousing sectional pride and passion for its support,
and that we shall only break the country into two great parties, which
may shake the foundations of government.

I have written to you because your situation gives you advantages which
perhaps no other man enjoys for ascertaining the method, if any can be
devised, by which we may operate beneficially and safely in regard to
slavery. Appeals will probably be made soon to the people here, and I
wish that wise men would save us from the rashness of enthusiasts, and
from the perils to which our very virtues expose us.

With great respect, your friend,

WM. E. CHANNING

HON. DANIEL WEBSTER.