ircumstances most
adverse and have stood the shock. I wish we could imitate Zachary Taylor
in his bivouac on the field of Buena Vista. He said he "would remain for
the night; he would feel the enemy in the morning, and try his
position." I wish, before we surrender, we could make up _our_ minds to
"_feel_ the enemy, and try his position," and I think we should find
him, as Taylor did, under the early sun, on his way to San Luis Potosi.
That is my judgment.

But, Sir, I come to the all-absorbing question, more particularly, of
the creation of New States.

Some years before I entered public life, Louisiana had been obtained
under the treaty with France. Shortly after, Florida was obtained under
the treaty with Spain. These two countries were situated on our
frontier, and commanded the outlets of the great rivers which flow into
the Gulf. As I have had occasion to say, in the first of these
instances, the President of the United States[1] supposed that an
amendment of the Constitution was required. He acted upon that
supposition. Mr. Madison was Secretary of State, and, upon the
suggestion of the President, proposed that the proper amendment to the
Constitution should be submitted, to bring Louisiana into the Union. Mr.
Madison drew it, and submitted it to Mr. Adams, as I have understood.
Mr. Madison did not go upon any general idea that new States might be
admitted; he did not proceed to a general amendment of the Constitution
in that respect. The amendment which he proposed and submitted to Mr.
Adams was a simple declaration, by a new article, that "the Province of
Louisiana is hereby declared to be part and parcel of the United
States." But public opinion, seeing the great importance of the
acquisition, took a turn favorable to the affirmation of the power. The
act was acquiesced in, and Louisiana became a part of the Union, without
any amendment of the Constitution.

On the example of Louisiana, Florida was admitted.

Now, Sir, I consider those transactions as passed, settled, legalized.
There they stand as matters of political history. They are facts against
which it would be idle at this day to contend.

My first agency in matters of this kind was upon the proposition for
admitting Texas into this Union. That I thought it my duty to oppose,
upon the general ground of opposing all formation of new States out of
foreign territory, and, I may add, and I ought to add in justice, of
States in which slaves were to be