forces, to that when he received Lord Cornwallis's at the
surrender of Yorktown; and, made President in 1789, he retired in 1797,
twenty-three years after he took command. But he was a prominent citizen
of Virginia thirty-five years before that date, and was nominated deputy
to the colonial congress in 1774. The position of our retiring President
was very different, and his career was briefer and more crowded with
events. In March, 1861, except his old West Point comrades and his few
personal acquaintances, there were probably not twenty people in the
country who knew of the existence of ex-brevet Captain Grant, U.S.A.
Three years saw him the victor in hard-fought fields, in which the
forces on either side more than trebled all that ever Cromwell or
Washington commanded, and in 1864 he became General-in-Chief of the
immense army of one of the great powers of the world; one year more saw
him absolute victor, and the saviour of the Union. Four years passed,
and he voluntarily laid down his sword and his supreme military command,
to become President of the United States, doing so because he was
regarded as the only man who could save in peace what he won in war. At
the end of four years, he received, like Washington and Jefferson,
Jackson and Lincoln, the honor of a reelection, and three years later he
seemed likely to have the unprecedented distinction of an election to a
third term. Now, although we may not say there is none so poor to do him
honor, he is entirely without position, military or civil, and it is
certainly true that many a mousing politician has far more influence
than the victor of Appomatox and he who was once dreaded by many people,
and looked to by others without dread, as the coming "man on horseback."

--Such a career in these days was possible only in this country, and
here it will probably be impossible hereafter. Of civil war we have, we
may be sure, seen the last, as it was really the first, that was ever
fought on our soil. And indeed it was big enough to suffice for our
share of that sort of thing for ever. That we shall ever be called upon
to wage war with a foreign foe is in the extremest degree improbable. No
other power wants any of our territory, at the price, at least, which it
would cost to get it; and we have taken all that we want from other
people. Cuba, if we get it--the advantage of which is not clear to all
minds--we shall get by purchase. We shall, therefore, it would seem,
never