of packing my carpet bag and
trunks. His lordship at once embraced the allusion, and whilst
endeavouring to excuse Mr. Gladstone, in fact admitted that his act had
been regretted by Lord Palmerston and the other cabinet officers. Still he
could not disavow the sentiments of Mr. Gladstone; so far as he understood
them (his meaning) was not that ascribed to him by the public. Mr.
Gladstone was himself willing to disclaim that. He had written to that
effect to Lord Palmerston.... His lordship said that the policy of the
government was to adhere to a strict neutrality, and to leave this
struggle to settle itself.... I asked him if I was to understand that
policy as not now to be changed. He said, Yes."(60)

If this relation be accurate, then the foreign secretary did not construe
strict neutrality as excluding what diplomatists call good offices. On
October 13, Lord Russell circulated a memorandum to the cabinet setting
out in an argumentative tone all the adverse and confused aspects of the
situation and outlook in America, and ending in the emphatic conclusion
that it had now become a question for the great Powers of Europe whether
it was not their duty to ask both parties to agree to a suspension of arms
for the purpose of weighing calmly the advantages of peace. Cornewall
Lewis (Oct. 17), while expressing an opinion that a peaceful separation
between North and South would in the end have been best for the North, and
while apparently believing that the war must one day end in Southern
independence, met Russell's suggestion by cogent arguments against action
on our part.(61) A week later (Oct. 24), Mr. Gladstone circulated a
rejoinder to Lewis, arguing for representation to the two combatants from
England, France, and Russia--a representation with moral authority and
force, of the opinion of the civilised world upon the conditions of the
case.

(M29) This pretty nearly concludes all that need be said upon the attitude
taken by Mr. Gladstone in that mighty struggle. We may at least add that
if, and where, it differed from that of the majority of his countrymen, it
did not differ for the worse. In November (1862) the French Emperor
renewed proposals of joint mediation. The Emperor had objects of his own
to serve. He was entangled in the coils of the Mexican adventure that was
to give the first shock to his throne and to add another to the long
scroll of tragedies in the house of Hapsburg. From the first the
government of