ical peril which the present
generation can hardly realize. In less than two years the murderers of
Lord Frederick Cavendish and Mr. Burke had been hanged; the conspiracy
which organized the murders had been broken up; and social order was
permanently re-established.

Such were the excellent effects of the Crimes Act of 1882, and annalists
treating of this period have commonly said that the Act was due to the
murders in the Phoenix Park. Some years ago Lord James of Hereford,
who, as Attorney-General, had been closely associated with these events,
placed in my hands a written statement of the circumstances in which the
Act originated, and begged that, if possible, the truth of the matter
might be made known. This may be a convenient opportunity for giving his
testimony.

"The Bill of 1882 was designed, and on the stocks, during the month of
April. I saw F. Cavendish as to some of its details almost immediately
before his starting for Ireland. As Chief Secretary, he discussed with
me the provisions the Bill should contain. On Sunday, May 7, 1882, when
the news of F. Cavendish's murder became known, I went to see Harcourt.
He begged me to see that the drawing of the Bill was hastened on. About
2 o'clock I went to the Irish Office, and found the Irish
Attorney-General hard at work on the Bill. The first draft of it was
then in print. No doubt F. Cavendish's death tended to affect the
subsequent framing of the Bill. Harcourt came upon the scenes. T---- and
J---- were called to the assistance of the Irish draftsmen, and no doubt
the Bill was rendered stronger in consequence of the events of May 6.

"I also well remember the change of front about the power of Search. The
Irish Members in the most determined manner fought against the creation
of this power.... Harcourt, who had charge of the Bill, would listen to
none of these arguments, but Mr. Gladstone was much moved by them. There
was almost a crisis produced in consequence of this disagreement; but
Harcourt gave way, and the concession was announced."

It is not my purpose in these chapters to speak about my own
performances in Parliament, but the foregoing allusion to the concession
on the Right of Search tempts me to a personal confession. In the Bill,
as brought in, there was a most salutary provision giving the police the
right to search houses in which murders were believed to be plotted.
After making us vote for this clause three times--on the First Reading,
on