democracy" which has not
the courage to attack the monopolies through which he has acquired his
millions, the third writing a long paper full of pious platitudes and
injunctions to the rich to give to the poor, and to the poor to be
contented, and then everything will be lovely.
The main portion of the encyclical letter is directed against
"socialism," and the Pope's arguments are effective as against what he
evidently means by socialism. They are sadly weakened, however, by his
want of a logical conception of what constitutes private property. He
shows in more than one place that he believes private property to be
only the result of human labor, but when he comes to apply his ideas,
he admits of its extension to land and other monopolies, without
realizing that because such monopolies are not the creation of human
labor they cannot therefore be rightfully considered as private
property. He is like the man who would divide the human race into men,
women, and poets, or in enumerating the New England States would
include Boston after having mentioned Massachusetts. His arguments are
still further weakened by his evident leaning towards compulsory
Sunday rest, and an eight-hour day, trades-unionism, and regulation by
church societies, all of which savor of the very socialism which he is
combatting.
He argues well, however, against the theory which proposes that the
state should administer individual property as common property for the
benefit of all. This would be more correctly termed state socialism
or, in its extreme form, communism. But the Pope fails to recognize
that there is such a thing as public property, created by the mere
presence of large communities, and which those communities have a
perfect right to administer. While endeavoring to uphold the rights of
private property, he impugns what Father William Barry called in a
recent review article, "The Rights of Public Property." His Holiness'
ignorance on this point can be best shown by a quotation:--
"If one man hires out to another his strength or his industry, he does
this for the purpose of receiving in return what is necessary for food
and living; he thereby expressly proposes to acquire a full and real
right, not only to the remuneration, but also to the disposal of that
remuneration as he pleases. Thus, if he lives sparingly, saves money,
and invests his savings, for greater security, in land, the land in
such a case is only his wages in another for
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