bably be insisted on by the neutral powers, whom we
may suppose to be Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, America, and perhaps Spain.
_Quere_; if England will again acquiesce. Supposing these details
might be useful to you, I have taken the liberty of giving them, and
of assuring you of the esteem with which I am, Sir, your very humble
servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XCVII.--TO JOHN JAY, September 24, 1787

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, September 24, 1787.

Sir,

The times are now so critical, that every day brings something new
and important, not known the day before. Observing the wind still
unfavorable, I am in hopes the packet may not sail to-morrow, and that
this letter may be at Havre in time for that conveyance. Mr. Eden has
waited on Count Montmorin to inform him, officially, that England must
consider its convention with France, relative to the giving notice of
its naval armaments, as at an end, and that they are arming generally.
This is considered here as a declaration of war. The Dutch ambassador
told me yesterday, that he supposed the Prussian troops probably in
possession of the Hague. I asked him if it would interrupt the course of
business, commercial or banking, in Amsterdam; and particularly, whether
our depot of money there was safe. He said, the people of Amsterdam
would be surely so wise as to submit, when they should see that they
could not oppose the Stadtholder: therefore he supposed our depot safe,
and that there would be no interruption of business. It is the hour of
the departure of the post: so I have only time to add assurances of the
respect and esteem, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most
obedient, humble servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XCVIII,--TO JOHN ADAMS, September 28, 1787

TO JOHN ADAMS.

Paris, September 28, 1787.

Dear Sir,

I received your favor by Mr. Cutting, and thank you sincerely for the
copy of your book. The departure of a packet-boat, which always gives me
full employment for some time before, has only permitted me to look into
it a little. I judge of it from the first volume, which I thought formed
to do a great deal of good. The first principle of a good government,
is certainly a distribution of its powers into executive, judiciary, and
legislative, and a subdivision of the latter into two or three
branches. It is a good step gained, when it is proved that the English
constitution, acknowledged to be better than all which have preceded
it