s, and
belonged to one himself. He was growing exceedingly impatient of English
misrule, and saw clearly to what it was leading. "At a time," he says,
"when our lordly masters in Great Britain will be satisfied with nothing
less than the deprivation of American freedom, it seems highly necessary
that something should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain the
liberty which we have derived from our ancestors. But the manner of
doing it to answer the purpose effectually is the point in question.
That no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment, to use arms in defense
of so valuable a blessing, is clearly my opinion. Yet arms, I would beg
leave to add, should be the last resort. We have already, it is said,
proved the inefficacy of addresses to the throne, and remonstrances to
Parliament. How far, then, their attention to our rights and privileges
is to be awakened or alarmed by starving their trade and manufactures,
remains to be tried."

He took the lead in forming an association in Virginia, and he kept
scrupulously to his agreement; for when he sent his orders to London, he
was very careful to instruct his correspondents to send him none of the
goods unless the Act of Parliament had meantime been repealed. As the
times grew more exciting, Washington watched events steadily. He took no
step backward, but he moved forward deliberately and with firmness. He
did not allow himself to be carried away by the passions of the time. It
was all very well, some said, to stop buying from England, but let us
stop selling also. They need our tobacco. Suppose we refuse to send it
unless Parliament repeals the Act. Washington stood out against that
except as a final resource, and for the reason which he stated in a
letter:

"I am convinced, as much as I am of my own existence, that
there is no relief for us but in their distress; and I
think, at least I hope, that there is public virtue enough
left among us to deny ourselves everything but the bare
necessaries of life to accomplish this end. This we have a
right to do, and no power upon earth can compel us to do
otherwise, till it has first reduced us to the most abject
state of slavery. The stopping of our exports would, no
doubt, be a shorter method than the other to effect this
purpose; but if we owe money to Great Britain, nothing but
the last necessity can justify the non-payment of it; and,
therefore, I have great