are that this necessity is
attached to a struggle for Liberty, we are the less sorry that we can
expect no advantage from the mental endowments of your Lordship.

APPENDIX to Bishop Watson's Sermon.

[It is deemed expedient to reprint here the Appendix to Bishop Watson's
Sermon, which is animadverted on in the preceding Apology. G.]

The Sermon which is now, for the first time, published, was written many
years ago; it may, perhaps, on that account be more worthy of the
attention of those for whose benefit it is designed. If it shall have
any effect in calming the perturbation which has been lately excited,
and which still subsists in the minds of the lower classes of the
community, I shall not be ashamed of having given to the world a
composition in every other light uninteresting. I will take this
opportunity of adding, with the same intention, a few reflections on the
present circumstances of our own and of a neighbouring country.

With regard to France--I have no hesitation in declaring, that the
object which the French seemed to have in view at the commencement of
their revolution had my hearty approbation. The object was to free
themselves and their posterity from arbitrary power. I hope there is not
a man in Great Britain so little sensible of the blessings of that free
constitution under which he has the happiness to live, so entirely dead
to the interests of general humanity, as not to wish that a constitution
similar to our own might be established, not only in France, but in
every despotic state in Europe; not only in Europe, but in every quarter
of the globe.

It is one thing to approve of an end, another to approve of the means by
which an end is accomplished. I did not approve of the means by which
the first revolution was effected in France. I thought that it would
have been a wiser measure to have abridged the oppressive privileges,
and to have lessened the enormous number of the nobility, than to have
abolished the order. I thought that the State ought not in justice to
have seized any part of the property of the Church, till it had
reverted, as it were, to the community, by the death of its immediate
possessors. I thought that the king was not only treated with unmerited
indignity, but that too little authority was left him to enable him, as
the chief executive magistrate, to be useful to the State. These were
some of my reasons for not approving the means by which the first
revolution in