son
of the meanest man in the nation may become a general or an admiral, a
lord chancellor or an archbishop. If any persons have been so simple as
to suppose that even the French ever intended, by the term equality, an
equality of property, they have been quite mistaken in their ideas. The
French never understood by it anything materially different from what we
and our ancestors have been in full possession of for many ages.

Other nations may deluge their land with blood in struggling for liberty
and equality; but let it never be forgotten by ourselves, and let us
impress the observation upon the hearts of our children, that we are in
possession of both, of as much of both as can be consistent with the end
for which civil society was introduced amongst mankind.

The provision which is made for the poor in this kingdom is so liberal,
as, in the opinion of some, to discourage industry. The rental of the
lands in England and Wales does not, I conjecture, amount to more than
eighteen millions a year; and the poor rates amount to two millions. The
poor then, at present, possess a ninth part of the landed rental of the
country; and, reckoning ten pounds for the annual maintenance of each
pauper, it may be inferred, that those who are maintained by the
community do not constitute a fortieth part of the people. An equal
division of land would be to the poor a great misfortune; they would
possess far less than by the laws of the land they are at present
entitled to. When we add to this consideration an account of the immense
sums annually subscribed by the rich for the support of hospitals,
infirmaries, dispensaries--for the relief of sufferers by fire,
tempests, famine, loss of cattle, great sickness, and other misfortunes,
all of which charities must cease were all men on a level, for all men
would then be equally poor,--it cannot but excite one's astonishment
that so foolish a system should have ever been so much as mentioned by
any man of common sense. It is a system not practicable; and was it
practicable, it would not be useful; and was it useful, it would not be
just.

But some one may think, and, indeed, it has been studiously inculcated
into the minds of the multitude, that a monarchy, even a limited one, is
a far more expensive mode of civil government than a republic; that a
civil-list of a million a year is an enormous sum, which might be saved
to the nation. Supposing that every shilling of this sum could be save