ow elapsed since the question was first started,
and what had any of them done? The Portuguese continued the trade. The
Spaniards still gave a bounty to encourage it. He believed there were
agents from Holland in this country, who were then negotiating with persons
concerned in it in order to secure its continuance. The abolition also had
been proposed in the National Assembly of France, and had been rejected
there. From these circumstances he had a right to infer, that if we gave up
the trade, we should only transfer it to those countries: but this transfer
would be entirely against the Africans. The mortality on board English
ships, previously to the regulating bill, was four and an eighth per cent.
Since that time it had been reduced to little more than three per cent.[A]
In French ships it was near ten, and in Dutch ships from five to seven, per
cent. In Portuguese it was less than either in French or Dutch, but more
than in English ships since the regulating bill. Thus the deaths of the
Africans would be more than doubled, if we were to abolish the trade.

[Footnote A: Mr. Wilberforce stated it on the same evening to be between
ten and eleven per cent. for the last year. The number then exported from
Africa to our islands was rather more than 22,000, of whom more than 2,300
died.]

Perhaps it might be replied, that, the importations being stopped in our
own islands, fewer Africans would experience this misery, because fewer
would be taken from their own country on this account. But he had a right
to infer, that as the planters purchased slaves at present, they would
still think it their interest to have them. The question then was, whether
they could get them by smuggling. Now it appeared by the evidence, that
many hundred slaves had been stolen from time to time from Jamaica, and
carried into Cuba. But if persons could smuggle slaves out of our colonies,
they could smuggle slaves into them; but particularly when the planters
might think it to their interest to assist them.

With respect to the slaves there, instances had been related of their
oppression, which shocked the feelings of all who heard them: But was it
fair to infer from these their general ill usage? Suppose a person were to
make a collection of the different abuses, which had happened for a series
of years under our own happy constitution, and use these as an argument of
its worthlessness; should we not say to him, that in the most perfect
system wh