to America. Important politically, important
commercially.

As independent States they deprive Russia, the central and absorbing
power of Europe, of the opportunity on the Mediterranean to interfere in
the politics and civilities of this Continent. Russia and the United
States are as unlike as any two nations which ever existed. If Russia
obtains control of Europe by the power of arms, and the United States
shall retain this Continent by the power of its principles, war will be
inevitable. As inevitable as it was in former days that war should arise
between Carthage and Rome,--Carthage, which sought to extend her power
by commerce, and Rome, which sought to govern the world by the sword.
The independence of the States of Europe is then the best security for
the peace of the world. If these States exist, it must be upon one
condition only--that each State is permitted to regulate its own
affairs. If the voice of the United States and Great Britain is silent,
will Russia allow these States to exist upon this principle?--Has she
not already partitioned Poland--menaced Turkey--divided with the Sultan
the sovereignty of Wallachia--infused new energy into the despotic
councils of Austria--and finally aided her in an unholy crusade against
the liberties of Hungary? Have we not then an interest in the affairs of
Europe? And if we have an interest, ought we not to use the rights of an
independent State for its protection?

The second consideration is commercial.

Centralization, absolutism, destroys commerce. The policy of Russia
diminishes production and limits markets. Whenever she adds a new State
to her dominions the commerce of the world is diminished. Great Britain
and the United States, which possess three-fourths of the commercial
marine of the globe, are interested to prevent it. Our commerce at this
moment with despotic States is of very little importance, and its
history shows that in every age it has flourished in proportion to the
freedom of the people.

These, gentlemen, are poor words and barren thoughts upon the great
European question of the time. A question which America in her own name,
and for herself, must meet at some future day, if now she shall fail to
meet it firmly, upon well settled principles of national law, for the
protection and assistance of other States.

I have done. The exiled patriot shall speak for himself. Not for
himself only, nor for the land and people of Hungary he loves so well,
b